Archives

The study investigated the role of perceived organizational politics in meaningful work, organizational commitment and its constructs (i.e. continuance commitment, affective commitment, and normative commitment) among purposively selected 120 university teachers both male and female through survey research. Perception of Organizational Politics Scale (Kacmar & Carlson, 1997), Work as Meaning Inventory (Michael, Bryan, & Ryan, 2012), and Organizational Commitment Questionnaire (Mowday, Steers & Porter, 1979) were used to measure the constructs of present study. Correlation analysis showed that perceived organizational politics and its constructs (i.e. Get along to Get Ahead, General Political Behavior, and Pay and Promotion Policies) were negatively correlated with meaningful work and organizational commitment and their constructs. Simple linear regression analysis showed that perceived organizational politics was significant negative predictor of meaningful work (i.e. Meaning Making through Work, Positive meaning, and Greater Good Motivation) and organizational commitment (i.e. continuance commitment, affective commitment, and normative commitment). Simple linear regression also showed that meaningful work was significant positive predictor of organizational commitment and its constructs (i.e. continuance commitment, affective commitment, and normative commitment). Independent sample t-test demonstrated that females were significantly higher on perceived organizational politics and lower on meaningful work and organizational commitment and its constructs (i.e. continuance commitment, affective commitment, and normative commitment). Results of present study will be helpful in providing possible implication for various organizational settings especially for understating university teachers’ commitment with their organizations and for employers to establish policies regarding employees’ welfare in work settings. Suggestions for the future research and limitations of the current study have been discussed.

This research paper aims to evaluate the religious and cultural significance of hijab (veil) in Europe in the wake of Western hostility to this Islamic female dress code. In the aftermath of 9/11, there is an increasing trend among Muslim women in Europe and America to use hijab as an embodiment of Islamic identity. Western critics of Islam are hostile to this dress code and have been using it as a pretext to paint Islam as an oppressive and male-oriented dogma which does not give equal rights and freedom to women. Islamic feminists take this Eurocentric interpretation of Islamic veil as a continuation of Western colonial mindset to unveil Muslim women. Kahf, an Arab Muslim feminist writer, deals with the controversy regarding hijab from Islamic feministic perspective in The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf and challenges western constructed image of Muslim women as monolithic entities. The writer presents female characters that cherish hijab practice as a symbol of their Islamic identity.

Recent years have witnessed increasing number of voices in favor of creation of more administrative units in Pakistan. However, there is a lack of consensus as to whether these units should be created based purely on administrative lines or ethnic and nationalistic identity of people. Movement for Saraiki identity and a separate province based on this is among the strongest movements for new provinces in Pakistan. Economic disparity between various regions within Punjab has been cited as the main reason behind the development of pro-Saraikistan sentiments among people. Although the upper/central regions of current Pakistani Punjab have remained as an administrative unit separate from southern region i.e. Saraiki belt, the linguistic border between the dialects spoken in both areas is not clearly defined. However, starting in the 1970s, Saraiki nationalists have built up a very strong narrative supporting a separate identity for Saraiki language and people. Backed up by economic and social deprivation on one side and efforts of nationalists in standardization of Saraiki language on the other side, nationalistic sentiment has taken firm roots in indigenous people residing in Saraiki belt. Nonetheless, until very recently this nationalist agenda and the demand for separate province remained a bit away from mainstream political scenario. However, after the restoration of electoral democracy in 2008, demand for new provinces including that for Saraiki province has been gaining more support from mainstream political parties. Although, the establishment of a separate province for Saraiki speaking population still looks a bit difficult in near future, support for it among the key political players as well as general population both inside and outside the Saraiki belt is increasing day by day.

Son preference is a tenacious phenomenon found in various countries around the globe. Following a brief overview of son preference, this paper presents a descriptive review of socio-economic topographies of son preference and women familial status in Pakistan. It describes that there are a number of socio-economic factors which presents a relationship between the women familial status and the birth of her son. Amongst the economic factors, old age economic source and family purse are the major contributors for her old age economic support. Additionally, socio-cultural factors, gives her an uplifted status and shift in power, family acceptance and certain uplifted roles in the family. Being a mother of a son is the only channel which is a source of her uplifted status in the patriarchal setup. This notion confirms the ideology of son as superior and daughter neglect; resulting in promotion of son preference culture in the country. While state policies are still unable to uplift woman’s status and to eliminate discriminatory customs against her at familial level in the country.

The First Indian Author in English Dean Mahomed (1759-1851) in India, Ireland and England By Michael H. Fisher, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 200, Pages, 368, Rs. 250.00