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This research article examines the complex relationship between academic integrity among distance learning university students and its significant impact on academic performance. In an era marked by the proliferation of online education, maintaining academic integrity has become a paramount concern for educational institutions worldwide. This study focuses on the context of Pakistan, with specific attention to the Higher Education Commission's (HEC) plagiarism policy and the evolving role of artificial intelligence (AI) in preserving academic integrity. The research adopts a qualitative method. Furthermore, this article delves into the impact of academic integrity on students' academic performance, shedding light on whether adherence to ethical standards correlates with higher grades and improved learning outcomes. HEC's plagiarism policy is examined in detail, exploring its effectiveness as a deterrent and its role in shaping the academic environment for distance learning students. Insights from interviews with educators and administrators provide valuable perspectives on the policy's implementation and potential areas for improvement. The research also investigates the integration of AI-driven tools and technologies in preserving academic integrity, including plagiarism detection software and proctoring solutions. It explores the extent to which these technologies are being utilized, their effectiveness in deterring dishonest behavior, and the ethical considerations surrounding their deployment. The findings of this study offer comprehensive insights into the complex relationship between academic integrity and academic performance among distance learning students. They provide valuable recommendations for educational institutions and policymakers to strengthen academic integrity practices, enhance the implementation of plagiarism policies, and leverage AI technologies effectively. Ultimately, this research contributes to the ongoing discourse on ensuring the integrity of online education in an ever-evolving academic landscape.

Federal bicameralism has recently received considerable scholarly attention. However, few studies have investigated the challenges that second chambers usually face in parliamentary federations in the face of stronger popular chambers (lower houses). Therefore, this study investigates the Senate’s position as a federal chamber compared to its counterparts in contemporary parliamentary federations. The paper shows that the Senate has received co-equal legislative powers (compared to National Assembly of Pakistan), and performs considerable oversight role since the federation has adopted the 18th Constitutional Amendment. Being an indirectly elected body, it can claim more democratic legitimacy than appointed or nominated federal chambers. Similarly, the Senate is among those second chambers that provide parity representation to constituent units irrespective of their population size. Besides, the disparity between sizes of two chambers in Pakistani parliament is not exceptional. National Assembly-to-Senate membership ratio is also comparable with Canada, Austria, and Malaysia. This comparison demonstrates that the Senate of Pakistan is not a deviant case, and it fulfills the requirements of a federal chamber. As compared to its Asian counterparts—the Indian Rajya Sabha and the Malaysian Dewan Negara, it appears a more influential house. Several reforms suggested by ethno-regional groups, such as powers related to election of Prime Minister, approval of budget, and endorsement of international treaties are not compatible with parliamentary system of government. Nevertheless, the centralized nature of party system, electoral malpractices, and weakening of democratic institutions are the factors that limit the federal role of Senate in Pakistan.

It is a historical fact that Pakistani society, with its rich outlook, pleasant exposure, and fascinating tales, is composed of several communities, each with its own social fabric, subculture, and identity, entrenched in its beliefs and mindset. This diversity is a strength of the society on one hand, if the people are satisfied with their mode of life. At the same time, it reflects ethnic fissures, social layers, and economic chasms, as they face the hardships in economic or social aspects of life or the blurring of their identity. Several Scholars of the current era posit that the diversity of an inclusive society is its beauty; whereas, the voices of smaller, overlooked groups should not go unheard, because communities in remote villages, such as the Pathan community in Golewali, District Khushab, are usually more sensitive in this respect. This article uncovers one of the stories from overlooked communities in society and reflects on the ongoing interplay between identity and cohesion through inductive reasoning. It is also a typical research, which persuades writers to uncover similar stories for encouraging lovely diversity in our society.

The Abraham Accords signed in 2020 between Israel, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Bahrain—with subsequent participation by Sudan and Morocco—have marked a significant transformation in the geopolitical landscape of the Middle East. These normalization agreements signal a departure from the long-standing Arab consensus on conditioning ties with Israel on the resolution of the Palestinian issue. This paper explores the implications of these developments for Pakistan, a country with a historically strong position on Palestine and no formal diplomatic relations with Israel. The Abraham Accords have created a strategic realignment in the region, drawing key Gulf states closer to Israel and the United States, thereby shifting the regional power dynamics and potentially isolating countries like Pakistan that remain outside this framework. Pakistan faces a delicate balancing act: maintaining its traditional support for the Palestinian cause while navigating its economic and strategic ties with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. Additionally, growing Indo-Israeli cooperation, especially in defense and intelligence, adds further complexity to Pakistan's regional calculations. This paper argues that while Pakistan is unlikely to normalize relations with Israel in the near future due to domestic political considerations and ideological commitments, it cannot ignore the shifting regional alliances and must recalibrate its foreign policy to safeguard its strategic interests. The Abraham Accords, therefore, not only challenge the existing regional order but also present Pakistan with new diplomatic dilemmas in an increasingly multipolar Middle East.

The launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by China in 2013 has restructured the geography of the Eurasian economies with massive connectivity and trade projects. Being located at the intersection between the East and West, Kazakhstan is at the center of this network as a transit state and a new industrial player. The paper will discuss the role of infrastructure initiatives in the BRI and specifically the Khorgos Gateway, the Western Europe Western China (WE-WC) Corridor among other investments in logistics has played in the economic modernization and diversification of Kazakhstan. The study employs a secondary research approach and synthesizes the information on scholarly literature, institutional reports, and policy reports to evaluate the impact of the BRI on trade dynamics, industrial capacity, and regional integration. Through the modernization and dependency theories, the study concludes that although BRI improves logistics and the connectivity of the regions, the chauner of developmental advantages of the BRI is unbalanced, since there are governance constraints, external dependencies. The difficulty of Kazakhstan is the conversion of transit benefits into industrial and technological competitiveness in the long term. The paper concludes that the final success of the BRI in Kazakhstan lies in the institutional change, diversification agenda, and strategic independence in the emerging Eurasian economic order.

Postcolonial literature, especially Anglophone Fiction from South Asia, often grapples with the questions of belonging, migrancy, alienation, hybridity, home, and, most importantly, the question of identity. The paper discusses major postcolonial Anglophone fiction from South Asia and its deliberation of the question of identity and related themes. Utilizing close reading skills along with ideas from major scholars in the field, this paper argues that the question of identity in most canonical fiction from South Asia responds to major political and/or historical events, be they local or global. It also identifies that fiction stages these identities as shifting, evolving, and changing over time, with respect to local-global events. The research not only presents a comprehensive overview of the thread of identity linking canonical postcolonial anglophone texts from South Asia but also paves the way to further isolated and focused research on each of these works of fiction.

The Muslim world is geostrategically positioned in a strategically sensitive region between the Western and Eastern hemispheres through some of the most sensitive maritime chokepoints globally. The marine crossroads like the Strait of Hormuz, Strait of Malacca, Bab el-Mandeb, Suez Canal, Bosporus, and Strait of Gibraltar open up to a disproportionate amount of worldwide energy and trade streams. Dominion or intervention in these chokepoints immediately affects global security, financial stability, and political autonomy, particularly of the Muslim nations surrounding them. This research article elucidates the security implications of sea geography to the Muslim world according to historical and contemporary geopolitical thought such as Mahan's sea power theory, Mackinder's Heartland approach, and Spykman's Rimland theory. It analyzes the strategic significance of each chokepoint, the navy weaknesses and strengths of Muslim nations, and determines the role of foreign powers to formulate maritime policies and presence within the region. This is a qualitative study which utilizes qualitative content analysis technique. The research is more descriptive than empirical and does not involve primary fieldwork or classified naval intelligence. However, it provides a strategic in-depth analysis of maritime geography and security issues within the Muslim world. Considering the analysis of maritime security threats, regional energy transit dynamics and competition, this article is directed towards cooperative maritime policies, more robust naval defense mechanisms, and more integrated economic approaches to construct sovereignty. The study concludes with policy recommendations for strategic naval collaboration and capacity development in the Muslim world to counteract external pressure and ensure regional stability.

This paper examines the historical development and operational framework of the Institute of Educational Technology (IET) within Allama Iqbal Open University (AIOU), Pakistan’s pioneer large-scale distance learning university founded in 1974. It maps the shift in distance education systems from initial dependence on printed materials distributed via postal networks to the incorporation of broadcast technologies (radio and television) and subsequent adoption of digital tools. Across more than fifty years, IET evolved from basic production units reliant on external assistance from organizations such as Radio Pakistan, Pakistan Television Network, UNDP, ODA, and JICA to highly developed infrastructure supporting FM radio broadcasting (Voice of AIOU 91.6), a YouTube channel with over 4000 videos and 121,000 subscribers (as of 2025), and advanced digital editing sets. The analysis details IET’s internal organization through its core departments, Program Production, Design, and Engineering and outlines specialized functions including script development, visual animations and graphics, and professional development workshops for academic staff. Through strategic adaptation of successive communication technologies, IET has extended instructional reach, enriched correspondence-based resources, and enabled remote interaction for a vast learner population, thereby reinforcing the institutional model of open distance learning in Pakistan and comparable contexts.

This article examines the evolution of Pakistan’s transitional polity, analyzing the interplay between modernization, class structure, and political institutionalization. Drawing upon theories33 of political development by Samuel P. Huntington, Francis Fukuyama, and others, it explores how Pakistan’s post-colonial state inherited colonial structures but failed to establish stable political institutions. The paper focuses on the emergence and transformation of the middle class—from the colonial salariat to a fragmented, consumer-driven group—and its limited role in democratization. Using a historical-analytical method, the study argues that Pakistan’s middle class, while expanding economically, has remained politically passive, enabling elite dominance and contributing to political decay. The research concludes that the silent collapse of Pakistan’s middle class signifies a deeper erosion of state accountability and democratic vitality within a procedural democracy.